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Guatemala: A Brief
History
The Mayans of Guatemala and
the surrounding regions had one of the most advanced civilizations of
the ancient world. Their cities flourished across Central America, complete
with remarkable pyramids, temples, observatories and libraries, and
their scholars produced works of literature, philosophy, art and architecture.
Particularly skilled in mathematics and astronomy, Mayan scientists
developed a calendar more precise than that used by NASA even today.
With the invasion of the Spanish Conquistadors in the early 1500s, the
world of the Mayans, like all of the other Indigenous societies in the
western hemisphere, came to a fiery and brutal end. Although medieval
Europe was in many ways far less developed, the Spaniards arrived with
enormous military advantages: specifically, gun powder, steel swords,
and horses. The Mayans fought valiantly on foot, with their obsidian
spears and leather shields, but they suffered devastating losses. Within
a few years, they had become slaves in their own homeland, deprived
of their lands, their rights, and any political or social representation
of any kind. Their libraries and cities were burned and sacked, and
their religion and culture were banned. Disease and slavery wiped out
nearly 90% of the Indigenous population within a century.
The Mayans have not accepted their fate lightly. A study of their history
shows that in every generation since the invasion of the Spaniards,
the Mayans have risen up in rebellion, armed only with rocks and machetes.
Every generation, these slave revolts have been quickly crushed by the
well armed forces of the oligarchy.
From 1944-1954, Guatemalans enjoyed what is now referred to as the "Ten
Years of Spring" with two popularly elected Presidents. President
Arbenz, former military officer, legalized unions and diverse political
parties, and started programs of socio-economic reforms. One very special
program was a moderate land reform effort aimed at alleviating the suffering
of the rural poor. Pursuant to this plan, only plantations of very high
acreage were affected; and only in cases where a particular portion
of such acreage was lying unused. In these extreme cases, the unused
portions of the land were simply purchased by the Guatemalan government
at the same value declared on the owner's tax forms. The property was
then resold at low rates to peasant coops. To set an example, President
Arbenz started with his own lands.
Unfortunately for the people of Guatemala, the United Fruit Company
was, at that time, one of the largest landowners in the country. Moreover,
the "Frutera" had greatly undervalued the value of its holdings
on its tax returns to the Guatemalan government. The executives were
thus highly displeased when their fallow lands were forcibly bought
back by the government at the price they themselves had declared. In
1954, at the height of the McCarthy era, the Company leaders hurried
to Washington and cried "Communism." The results were swift
and predictable. The CIA promptly organized a group of Guatemalan military
dissidents, trained, armed and funded them, and helped them to plan
and carry out a violent coup d'etat against the legally and popularly
elected Arbenz. Arbenz himself was driven out of Guatemala and died
heartbroken in exile. A blood bath ensued, peasant cooperatives were
destroyed, unions and political parties crushed, and dissidents hunted
down. Thousands were killed and many more fled the country. Recently
released CIA documents include a CIA hit list prepared before the coup,
identifying political and intellectual leaders as military targets.
A military dictatorship was installed in the presidency and remained
there until the 1986 election of civilian President Venizio Cerezo.
A horrified young physician known as Che fled the country with the others,
and moved to Cuba to help Fidel fight what he had seen for himself of
"yankee imperialism."
Although the "Ten Years of Spring" attempt lay in ruins, the
experience had whetted the popular appetite for reforms. Church leaders
began to lead landless peasants to the swamplands of the Ixcan, helping
them to establish cooperative villages and start a new life. Rural literacy
campaigns flourished, and health promoter teams set to work in the aldeas.
Cautious efforts to unionize in the cities began anew, and social commentary
and criticism emanated from the University circles. A Mayan civil rights
movement began, with demands for equality and an end to the repression.
Simultaneously, a fledgling armed resistance movement laid roots in
countryside. The FAR organized in the northeastern jungles of the Peten,
while the EGP and ORPA organized in the western Mayan regions. All three
groups later merged with the PGT of the capital, forming a united front
called the U.R.N.G. in 1981.
By the late 1970s, the powers that be were alarmed by the growing popular
demands for reforms. As had happened so many times in the past, they
responded with great cruelty and force. The Guatemalan military set
about to wipe out all such "subversive" activities for once
and for all. Father William Woods, a U.S. citizen and a Maryknoll priest
who had lead the cooperative movement in the Ixcan region, received
numerous death threats. In 1978 he was flying his small plane out of
the region with three other Americans on board, including a young volunteer,
a physician, and a journalist for a Church publication. The plane was
shot down and all four were killed. In 1981 small group of Mayan leaders
marched to the capital and peacefully occupied the Spanish Embassy to
protest the repression against their people. Despite the calls of the
Spanish Ambassador to leave them in peace, the authorities burned the
building to the ground, killing all of the protesters as well as all
of the Embassy staff. The Ambassador, badly injured, was the only survivor.
These horrifying events have become symbolic of the wave of repression
carried out by the Guatemalan military against the civilian population
throughout the l980s. Often referred to as the "Silent Holocaust",
the campaign left 200,000 civilians dead at the hands of the military
death squads, and 440 Mayan villages wiped from the map. Extreme torture
became commonplace as a method of coercion and intimidation. The union
movement in the capital was crushed, and the literacy and rural health
movements were destroyed as well. Repression against leaders of the
Catholic Church was so intense that nuns and priests were finally evacuated
from the Mayan highlands, their abandoned Churches used as barracks
and often torture centers by the military. Thousands of catechistas
were "disappeared". Hundreds of thousands of Guatemalans either
fled the country or fled inwards into the jungles, forming the CPRs,
or civilian resistance populations. Many others chose to pick up weapons
and leave for the mountains to join the U.R.N.G. forces.
The United States role throughout this time period was hardly illustrious.
Despite the extreme and obvious repression, the U.S. continued to send
massive military aid throughout most of the war. Even when such aid
was temporarily suspended, arms and equipment supplies continued. The
School of the Americas continued to train and graduate Guatemalan officers
who became notorious for their human rights violations. Training manuals
used clearly indicate practices which would violate human rights. Meanwhile,
CIA officials worked closely with Guatemalan intelligence officers linked
to death squad activities. Many such officers were on CIA payroll as
"assets" or paid informants, despite their well known record
for serious human right violations. The CIA, moreover, knowingly paid
"assets" for information obtained through the use of kidnapping,
torture and extrajudicial execution. Worse yet, it was not unusual for
North Americans to enter areas where prisoners were being secretly detained
and tortured, ask some questions, then leave the victims to their fates.
The Red Cross, United Nations, police and family members were never
notified.
The civil war continued for more than thirty five years, the final peace
accords being signed in December 1996. The United Nations sponsored
Truth Commission, or Commission for Historical Clarification, ("CEH"),
presented its findings in March 1999. The Commission found that the
Guatemalan army had committed some 93% of the total war crimes, and
had carried out over 600 massacres. Moreover, the army's counterinsurgency
campaign had legally constituted genocide against the Mayan people.
The U.R.N.G. forces were charged with 3% of the violations.
A key finding of the report was the conclusion that the United States
government had directly contributed to this thirty year genocidal campaign.
This included not only the 1954 CIA coup against President Arbenz, but
also included the training of known human rights violators at the School
of the Americas and other military centers, the continued financing
of such human rights violators, and the close collaboration with military
intelligence units which carried out death squad activities.
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